Butcher, baker, candlestick-maker (11 Feb 2014)
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Butcher, baker, candlestick-maker (11 Feb 2014)

>>OK. Good afternoon
and welcome to today’s lunchtime lecture. I’m Professor Paul McMillan. I’m from the Chemistry
Department and I’m a member of the Lunchtime
Lecture Committee and I’ll be your host for today. So, today’s speaker is
Professor Laura Vaughan from the UCL Bartlett School
and she’s going to be telling us about the demise or adaptability
of the high street I think. Thank you.>>Thank you very much
for that introduction. Thank you for inviting me. So, this lecture is written in
the context of a lot of doom and gloom that’s
prevailing in the press about the apparent death
of the high street. The butcher, the baker, the
candlestick-maker announced it to be replaced either by a
uniformly bland clone town or to simply died and gone away. I’ve been leading research with
colleagues since 2006 looking at suburbs and suburban
high streets partly because of me wanting to dispel
some of the myths about what such places are and what
makes for their success. And today, I’m going to
suggest to you that this is only by taking a long view
of the complex spatial, social and economic processes
that take place on high streets over time that we can hope to
plan for their future success. So today, I’m going to tell
you 10 things you may not know about high streets. The first thing I’d
like to argue is that the high street
is not dead. Let’s look at some headlines which of course are completely
contradicting what I just said. If we look at these headlines
collected over the past couple of years, you can see that their
papers would have me believe that the high streets
death is imminent, but the reality is
more complicated. If you take just one of the
headlines that appears here, you can look at the small
print of the article which actually details the
fact that although the head– the headline says that the high
street is in the death spiral. In fact, the detail of the
article is talking about out of town shopping that
has suffered the most. Now, of course, no one is
saying that Walworth closing in the high street
is a trivial matter. But to say the high
street is dead, in fact to equate the health
of the high street with closed down shops is to confuse
two quite different things. But the high street has become
a trope, a symbol of a time when husbands went off to
work from eight ’till four and the wife stayed at
home, shopping on foot, going from place to place at
her leisure and obviously, this is not the case today nor
probably was it ever the case in the past. But what I’m going to show you
in fact is at the doom and gloom about this supposed death of the high street is
not correct either. Indeed, there is a danger
that by making such claims, we are making a self-fulfilling
prophecy. Let’s take another headline. In many places, the
personal and local character of the shops is disappearing. This is because many shops
are now only branches at the multiple stores. I don’t know if anyone
would like to hazard a guess as to the date of this quote. Hands up for 1980s, ’70s,
any takers for 1930s. The quote is actually taken
from a book by Richards and Ravilious on
the High Street. So, in the following review, I’m
going to show you some results of the study we’ve undertaken of London’s outer suburban
high streets showing that this supposed decline
of the high street is, on the one hand, something
that we have been concerned with for many, many years. And on the other hand is
a much more complex issue. I’m– And what I’m going to be
doing in this review of some of our data is to show you just
one case which is Surbiton. And to show you that despite
a lot of this criticism, just saying that such
places are in decline and don’t have a future and
so on, we can see that some of these perceptions are
not entirely correct. So, we come to finding
number two. The high street is
not just a street. Those of you who have
had children or indeed who have been children over the
past 40 years will recognize this picture from the
“Tiger Who Came to Tea”. As you will recall, Sophie
and her mommy are at home when the tiger suddenly appears at the door and asked
to come in. Having emptied the
house of all the food and all the drink including
all the water in the tap, daddy comes home and decides
that they all have to go out to the local cafe to
have their evening meal, and they do so as you can
see in the picture on foot. So the importance of
the high street being within walkable reach
from home is not something to be overlooked. Nowadays, when we talk
about the nighttime economy, this is after all taking
place in the early evening, we talk about a nighttime
economy and we visit clubs and pubs, you know, town
centre sorts of things. But done well, small
scale high streets such as these will have their
own early evening activity which means that
people walking home from the station can run small
errands, perhaps go out again for a meal or to the
local theater or indeed to visit friends, confident that the streets
will be lively enough that they will be
comfortable in doing so. Because they’re accessible,
people will use them. So we come to point
number three. The high street means different
things to different people. I’m going to show you some
slides from some of the cases across our in fact 26 case
studies that we looked at in the first suburbs project. Now, you have to bear
in mind that the plan or the architect’s view of the
high street, I’m an architect by training, that the
plan or architect’s view of high streets tends to focus on the central high volume
activities, the shops and the offices and
the transport things, and to overlook the fact that the people using high
streets will have varied perspectives on how
the place feels fits into their own daily lives. If we take a child’s
view of the high street, this is a sketch drawn
by one respondent to our ethnographic
study of Surbiton. She drew as she was
describing what she was drawing. She mentioned where her home
was, the playground, the nursery and two shops of
particular importance to her. Her perspective shows
how the scale of the area encompasses
small and happy places. Passing people on
her daily trips around the area are apparently
central to her reading of what the place means to her
and when drawing the sketch, she described all the
features and mentioned in particular how they
always like to pop into [inaudible] shop on
the way home from nursery. This sketch done by one of
our adult informants together with the others that we have
collected, point to the fact that the relationship between
the center and hinterland of the high street and
the residential area that lies behind it is
much more complicated than a neat map would suggest. The adult example shows the
river and only a few key and frequently used rather
than busy or connected roads which are dotted with frequent
or memorable landmarks. It shows the train as an exit
indicating that in this case, the informant thinks that
their surroundings is a zone around their home. So the high street itself
might be on the edge of someone’s life world
because their own daily journey from wherever to wherever at– whenever else comes from
a particular direction. And this of course goes
without saying that none of the sketches we’ve collected
have got a north on them. So, the important point to
notice at the high street, when it works well forms part of people’s everyday lives
whether they’re going to the local hairdressers
on route to commute out of the area, part of
celebratory parade as we saw in one of the earlier
photographs or actually coming in there because they’re
coming in to work. The point is that the high
street does and should not need to serve a single purpose. Where it works best
is by being knitted into the wider movement network and serving several
purposes at once. So we come to my next point. The high street relies on
accessibility of its hinterland. Here, we have an image
taken from one of our cases in North London,
Chipping Barnet. Lying behind the high street
are small business premises and workshops which means that the people using the
area aren’t just its local inhabitants but include
also people working and visiting the area. In addition to the
network of pathways from the residential areas
through to high streets itself and I’m just zooming in to one
little section so you can see. You have a steady
state of people walking around the area just in an
ordinary mid-weekday moment. So, the network of pathways
from the residential areas through to the high street
itself means that even on the quietest day,
the cumulative effect of people coming in to use
it on a daily basis to work, to travel to their
commute, to run an errand, to visit the business or
indeed to past the time of day, makes it vital both
economically and socially. And we know this as we
did a detailed study of people using three of
our cases and surveyed over 200 people,
actually slightly– sorry, slightly under
200 people. A significant number of them
were traveling on foot to carry out many activities additional
to shopping as we can see in the following graph. And as evident from
our research, that the high street success
is dependent on connectivity on foot as well as other
means of transport and that in many cases, in fact
the majority of cases, people are carrying out
more than one activity. This may be relatively
small scale and not central activities,
but cumulatively, they create a presence
within the center. So we come to my
next point which is that the high street
is not singular. Places like the Latino market of
Wards Corner and Seven Sisters or Walworth Road in south
London illustrated here, show that many successful high
streets contain a high level of ethnic diversity whether
in their business ownership or the people using
them or both. As Suzy Hall [assumed spelling]
from the LSC has shown, places such as these have a
vitality and economic durability which is based on the
coexistence of street spaces that are “sufficiently
small” to allow for a level of self-determination. At the same time, the small
scale of the buildings and the flexibility of land use
classes which don’t fit neatly by the way into standard
business class users means that newcomers to the area have
over years been able to start up new businesses in a
relatively low risk environment. We can see a slightly
different story in a place such as Southall, one of London’s western
suburban high streets. A student on our master’s in
special design, Ria Thomas, found a couple of years
ago that under the surface of what is simply labeled as
a South Asian high street is in fact a complex mix
of businesses catering for the various communities
who live in the area, but also others who
travel from around London to consume the specialist
goods as well as the culture of the street. The next point is the high
street is not just about retail. Our research shows that the
focus on shops or the closure of the shops is overlooking
the essential fact that most successful high
streets are vital components of people’s everyday lives. We can also show that they have
a degree of mixing of uses even in the smallest of the cases
that we’ve been studying. For example, if we look closely
at Surbiton’s street directory from 1901, we can see
the mix of activity that was present then
along each street alignment with land uses ranging from
beer retailer, builder, school, china warehouse to photographer. And although the balance
shifts, there’s still a mixing of uses even in the
most recent survey which we conducted
just last year. The next sequence of slide shows
the mapping that we’ve done of the street directories from
three historical periods as well as the street survey of
the contemporary period. So we literally went
through each line in the business directory
and mapped that entry to its location on the street and then classified what was
taking place in that building. And we can see as we move
through time in this animation, the shifting in the
numbers as well as the size of properties located within
and around the center. This is the case
throughout from 1910 and 1960 by which time you can
see almost a full circuit of non-domestic land uses taking
place well beyond what you would traditionally call the
high street until we get to the current day survey. And we can also quantify
this mix. If we take all of the land uses within the same geographic
carrier and compare them over time, we can see two
very interesting facts. The presence of retail, that’s
the section colored in yellow, although important, is
never the dominant land use within the area. The distribution of land uses
changes over time as well, so once in the past and in
fact to almost recent times, industrial law, if
you like production, still has a significant
presence in the high street. Today, it has shrunk
down in its prominence and what has taken its place in many cases is food
and drink outlets. They’ve actually also taken
over the proportion of retail. And therefore, you can also
try and look under the surface of this a bit further. So what we can do as we’ve done in this next slide
is we’ve drilled down to the full 26 land
use classes that one can use within the standard
classification system and we kind of did see a
definite shifting pattern. What we have here, just to
explain, we’ve got from 1880, 1910, 1960 and 2013
each and every address within the same area over time. And one of the most noticeable
things in this case is that this color here, this
yellowish orange over here, which is a combination
of production and retail, shrinks down almost to nothing
as I was saying just earlier. Now, here’s an interesting
thing, while we have many of you say what would have
fitted into that category, tailors which combined retail with the small scale
manufacturing and a workshop behind and that
would have typically be the case a hundred years ago. There are actually new sorts of
businesses emerging that mirror in many ways what was happening
then, namely a combination of functions which allow the
business owner to diversify within their own
single commercial unit. And this is– I say
this is an aside. This is exactly the sort of
thing that we struggle in policy to handle ’cause it’s messy. It doesn’t fit into a nice
neat category and I’m going to show you one example
actually from Edinburgh, which is of a bicycle shop which
combines retail, cafe, workshop and studio and of course, they
provide specialized advice and provide a place
for bikers or cyclists, whatever they call
themselves, to come together and share their own
knowledge amongst themselves. Now this signifies a rise that
is more general phenomenon in small scale craft as
the flip side to the growth of mass production and
uniformly bland national change which is what we
typically are worried about when we’re not worried
about the shops closing. And it’s no surprise to find that this Edinburgh-based
shop has a thriving website. And another trend that we see
this adding value trend is where people take a
mass-produced object and then make it
specialized for the individual and it isn’t necessarily William
Morris-like romantic response to industrialization by crafting
things by hand, but instead, it’s a rather clever taking
advantage we think of the local and the internet at the same
time by adding that value by saying, “Here’s something
that is unique to you.” Now, here’s one other
important aspect. You will have noticed by now that we have been studying
these places through time and this isn’t some
sort of celebration of the past for its own sake. It’s to understand how we got
to where we are today by looking at the process by which we went
from the past to today in order to understand better where we
might be going in the future. And one interesting aspect
of land use diversity is that you can also start
to examine the character of land uses underlying
our detailed but still quite bland
classifications. So was a tailor in 1880 in
Surbiton serving the same sort of function as a tailoring
shop would serve today if there is one there. I’m sure you’ll agree with
me that that isn’t the case. Nevertheless, what we say is
that there is a generic function in the actual mix of
different uses taking place within the same area
of the city. And the fact that the same high
street has served the same town centre purpose bring the massive
social and economic change that in this case London has
undergone is symptomatic. We argue of this place’s
ability to adapt to change. And the following slide shows
how we’ve measured these mixing of uses in this adaptability. What we have done is
we’ve counted the number of different land use
classes that appeared in every street section
around the study area in each of the study periods. And what these graphs show
is the results of this and the darker the color,
the darker the gray, the greater the proportion
of classes to be found in every street. So what this is showing. It’s showing that throughout the
four periods, over 50 percent of street sections had three or more classes situated
within them. So this isn’t a bland
uniform single use place. And indeed, at least 15 percent
of street sections have as many as six or more classes. As I said earlier, the high
street is not just about retail. And we, in fact, in the earlier
project that we studied at– that we conducted, we studied
over 26 cases and we’ve carried out a similar study there. And what we found is that interestingly the
slightly larger centers, which are the ones
situated at the bottom of the right hand graph, tend to have a greater mixing
views [inaudible] to the scale but also in most streets with
only a few times than the other and we think that this is
an indication of some sort of market specialization
that takes place in the larger high streets, and
notably, some of those are some of the oldest settlements
in our sample. But this is something we
are still investigating and cannot comment
much further on that. It’s still very interesting
feature to note however. The next point, high
street diversity relates to its adaptability. If we return to the 2013 land
use image, we can see two types of adaptability that
we have noticed and identified in our study. First, we can see an
adaptation of the same land use that is just being indicated in
the road running north south. In that very same location,
in– a hundred years ago was– there was a doctor
surgery and today, there is a natural
health center. So you can see there is this
sort of link and shifting of what is a generic sort
of land use that takes place in that play– in that location. And we think that this indicates
a sort of past dependency that that section of street
seems to naturally serve that sort of function that
requires that sort of flow of movement in and around
and through the area. We also have a slightly
different sort of adaptability in
this example here. The building called Coronation
Hall was originally constructed as a lecture hall, after which
it became a cinema then a bingo hall and nowadays it’s a pub and who knows what it
will be in the future. So here, the building, as well
as its location, serve to adapt to the massive changes
that is taking place since it was originally
built in the 1900s. Point nine, the high
street generates movement at different scales. Where does this adaptability
come from? My own research area,
space syntax, argues that this is the actual
structure of the street network which gives rise to
this adaptability. And if we take London
Street network all the way out to the M25 Orbital Road and
analyze its mathematical pattern of accessibility using
space syntax methods, we can then color it
up in a range from red to most accessible to
blue for least accessible to represent the numbers that
are underlying this analysis. And it isn’t a coincidence
to find that Oxford Street comes off
as the reddest on the map along with many of London’s
main shopping streets. Now, this isn’t because
the shops are there. After all, the model
doesn’t actually know that the shops are
located there. All the model is measuring is
how directly connected is each street to all other
streets within the model. And the reason that it
so good at predicting where the shops are is because
the mathematical model can predict movement flows following
the logic of natural movement. Natural movement is a theory that our research suggest
takes place which is that if people move
from everywhere to everywhere else
throughout the system by the simplest routes, then some streets would
naturally get more movement through them than others. And indeed, we’ve shown this to be a consistent
pattern statistically across a wide range of
cities around the world, i.e. where the colors
are warmer, you will find more people
moving through them, all things being equal before
you start to take account of all of the other land uses. Now, if we just zoom in to this
southwest corner of the map, we come back to our area
and subject of inquiry. Space syntax analysis allows us to examine how the spatial
structures have persisted through time. As here for example, we can look
at citywide integration analysis which reveals streets around the
outer edge of Southwest London as being vital to the citywide
network even though they are out there on the edge. So these are routes
that are connected into the overarching
London wide network. And the same goes for
when we use them– a measure which we call
choice which is very similar to mathematical between us
which reveals that the streets around the outer edge of
Southwest London are also vital to the citywide network picking
out both large scale networks but also the major retail
centers within the area but route– the routes
also skirt our town centre in high street streets
themselves. And the same applies
when we set– shrink our mode of analysis down
and only take account of streets within an 800-meter distance. And what we can see here is
these highlights how the streets in and around the town centre
are particularly important for local trips, but
we bear in mind also that they are important for these wider scale
trips at the same time. So what the sequence
of slide shows in this finding repeats itself
throughout our 20 cases. What the sequence of
slides has shown is that the relatively local
high streets several both for local trips and
connect almost to the wider even
the citywide and out of London’s street network. And it also shows that high
streets are complex pieces of an infrastructure, not
an economic obstruction but actual spatially complex
entities that can be measured and of course analyzed. And I mentioned time didn’t I and I didn’t show
you any temporal maps which is what I’m going
to do in my last point. My last point is that the
success of high streets is bound up in how they connect almost and that these connections
are the outcome of how London itself has
been shaped and continues to be shaped by long-term
process of street network growth and adaptation over time. So let’s go back to
the map of Surbiton. This is a map of
Surbiton from circa 1820. And if you go back to
a map as early as this, you can see some faint
signs of what was to become the town
centre of Surbiton. Kingston of course was–
is a much old settlement and was present on
the map there. Interestingly enough,
you can see that a settlement
called Surbiton back in 1820 was situated at
the crossroads to the north of today’s high street
which is down here. It is only with the coming
of the railway in the 1830s that construction
started to take place in this small [inaudible]
location and you could see the
outcome of that if you start to map the space syntax
analysis of the place as it developed over time. And here we can see that over
the past 135 years, the street and pathway network around
Surbiton shaped and adapted to the way the place
itself grew. So although originally
it was a semi-rural area and it had low kind of
settlement, this same low kind of settlements are still
recognized today when we look at the pattern of accessibility
in the street network in 2013. [ Pause ] Now, let’s zoom out and focus
on the buildings themselves. We can see how both the network
and the buildings intensified and parallel to each other. Following on from the
preexisting patterns that were there from the
start except when you come to the contemporary period and
you see the Kingston bypass, those of you who are familiar with the area will
recognize it over here. And what has happened in that
location is a slight dislocation of this shaping of the network because what we have here is a
connection that is very useful for wider scale car-based trips but actually doesn’t
connect very well to the local high street itself and it does unsurprisingly then
serves as sorts of land uses that you would expect
to find at the junction that is mainly car base,
it has a travelodge hotel, at least it did last
time I checked. So despite that, important
connections have still been maintained throughout the high
street and its invariance. An aspect we believe
that has contributed to its successful adaptation
to change over time. So in conclusion, how can
the past inform the future of the high street? It’s very easy to be nostalgic
about the high street that was. Look at this image. This is Surbiton’s Claremont
Road around 1914, but let’s look at it again in the
1950s and today. It has actually fundamentally
not changed very much at all. It is serving the same
function of not just retail but social connections,
knowledge exchange, as well as to produce goods
and carry out all sorts of everyday activities. It isn’t of course to dismiss
the point I already made that the tailoring shop
then is not the same as the tailoring shop now
but inherently, generically, the high street itself continues
to serve as a high street in the broadest sense. So what do we learn from this? Our research highlights the
potential of local high streets that is connected
to their ability to provide a range of uses. We can show that successful
high streets benefit both from spatial, if you like
network adaptability, as well as building flexibility. And the importance of routes
also to be walkable to ensure that the high streets are
used by a range of uses, as well as providing a
range of uses is evident. We also suggest that
an understanding of a place’s past development
enables us to design and plan for its future in a way
that works with the grain. Contemporary high streets after
all are not a final outcome for us to judge and dispose
of as spaces they are embedded into a locale that
has been bequest to us and that we need harness
its potential and rather than undermining it by trying to find singular
short-term solutions. Let me just end by giving credit
to my research colleagues, some of whom are here and
who are listed on the slide, and of course to our
funders, the Engineering of Physical Sciences Research
Council and the Economic and Social Sciences
Research Council. Thank you. [ Applause ]>>Thank your Laura. So we have time for
some questions if anyone would like to begin. So– Could you wait for
the microphone please? Thank you.>>Hello, I think you all–
I agree with what you say. I’m just thinking my
local high street, Kentish Town high street,
how much more attractive that high street is than
Camden or Belsize Park Area for the very reasons
you’ve stated. But I would like
to put in a mention for the transition town movement
because I think this sort of grassroots activism which has
fruits and vegetables growing on [inaudible] cube platforms and has introduced the
Brits [inaudible], you know, has tremendous importance in
enlivening the high streets where there are those groups.>>I couldn’t agree
with you more and our research team is
familiar with those initiatives. Kentish Town of course is a very
interesting example that back in the ’60s was used as an
example of non-plan as a place that if you did nothing with it,
it just sort of adapted itself to the change that
was taking place so it’s interesting that’s one
of the examples that you cite.>>Hello, gentleman here.>>Tom Cohen, UCL
Transport Institute and rather predictively I have
a couple of transport questions. One relates to the nature of the
high streets you’ve looked at, some of which I imagine will
be busy conduits for traffic, others less so, and I wonder
whether that shed any light on how the high streets
develop and function. The second thing relates to
something which you mentioned in passing which
was this idea of out of town shopping centers
killing off the high street and whether your work allowed
you to look at the degree of competition that prevailed in these various locations
whether a given place such as Surbiton
was fighting a place that was much more
accessible by car.>>OK. So, we’ll take the– whether or not the important
transport routes as well. I’m quite convinced that is
an aspect that has to be taken in account of and in
some instances, the– when they are particularly busy
transport routes that can serve to start to create problems in
the high streets and in fact, I’m just starting a new
project with colleagues who are around here today
where we’re looking at something called the
[inaudible] town community severance or street busyness where if the street becomes too
much of a route from somewhere to somewhere else, that the
traffic itself starts to serve as a barrier to people using
the high street realm itself. So, to answer your board of
question, yes, I’m quite sure that that’s an aspect and
I’m quite sure that when– that one of the things
that can start to make these places struggle
will be transport initiatives that perhaps aren’t taking
account of what’s happening at that low scale on the ground
and should be considered. And your other question
about out of town shopping, we didn’t particularly go out to
quantify to what extent places such as our case studies
were in competition with what we’re struggling
with, but this is– it is obviously something one is
aware of and I think one also– almost has to say these
are two different entities. A high street is much more
than a place just for shopping and of course, shopping
center start to become places where people travel especially
to enjoy if that’s what you like doing, to enjoy
the whole event of the shopping way beyond
just the shopping itself, but they are two quite
different entities and I think that so long as we
understand places such as these as being much more than
about shopping and we start to consider them in a much
wider area, we, in our project, distinguish between the
live and the active centres so we said we have to take
account of all of the land uses that take place around
the high street, and to fully understand
what’s allowing it to survive and this is the fact that the
people walking through and along and doing all sorts of
things that we can show from our evidence has
allowed them to sustain and this is something
singly different from a very specialized
[inaudible] which may very well serve a
purpose or they’d be interested to see in the future as [inaudible] becomes
more expensive whether that will still be the case.>>We have a lady here.>>I’m sure you’re familiar about this large internet
shopping sites like Amazon, ASOS, use small local shops
where you can drop things off in return and I’m
wondering have you thought about how high streets
will develop and survive alongside
internet shopping?>>Well, that’s a really
interesting question. It’s funny that because
in many cases, people will typically see the
internet as being a threat to these places and it is a
threat, which is a concern that shouldn’t be dismissed. But it is very much,
as you’re suggesting, a very interesting development
that despite the fact that so much commerce is taking
place online, ultimately you got to get that good to your
hands and people are less and less available to
receive them at home. So yes, I think this is going to
be the interesting thing to look at to say, what new sorts of
developments are going to evolve to take the place
because we’re not going to have what we had
necessarily in the past. So what new initiatives and
new things like this are going to come in that place and
what purpose do they serve, are they perhaps continued to
be open in the early evening in order to capture people
coming home from work and then what other ancillary
uses might open in response to that is I think a
really important point.>>OK. We have a
gentleman towards the back.>>OK. I wonder if you could
comment on the significance in changing nature
of residential uses in the high street
over the years.>>Can you be more specific? Well, the fact that there
is more residential?>>Well, the amount
of residential in the high street has
presumably changed dramatically, flowed up and down. And [inaudible] your thoughts on
me that the importance of that to the vitality of a high street
and the implications it may have for other high street uses
as it has changed over time.>>It’s an– That’s an– These
are all interesting questions. It’s an interesting point. My esteemed colleague, Bill
Hillyard [assumed spelling], has commented on this how
particularly in the UK, we tend not to have lived
right on high streets. We tend to have developed our
residential areas just behind and going beyond rather than
the more continental manner if one may generalize, which is where it’s built much more
one on top of the other. I– It would be interesting
to see whether that changes. I’d be surprised if
it does and therefore, I wonder whether we need to be
very careful about the drives that there is towards the
bringing in of residential into places such as these
’cause I think there is a risk that if you dilute too much
the non-domestic land uses, you start to lose the
power of this, you know, very intricate mesh
of activities that supports each other. So if you have too
much residential, there won’t be enough stuff
happening to go along. Having said that,
you know, done well, the two things can live
alongside each other very well so like in the Chipping
Barnet example, there is residential occupancy
along that high street but it is off to the– it’s busiest part and it
is immediately behind it and it is very much
accessible to it on foot and these are essential
components. So, the devil is in
the detail as always.>>I think I can take
one last question, so the young gentleman
who’s there.>>You mentioned that the high
street is not just about shops, is there any correlation between
the kind of volume and locality of municipal and community
services in the high street and how popular it is?>>In a word, no,
as a correlation. Are you saying– when you say
popular you mean how well used it is?>>Yes.>>And the extent to which
having those uses is important. I think that– I
think having some of those uses there
is very important. I’ll give you another
example from one of the case, actually it’s high Barnet,
the Chipping Barnet again. A few years ago, when
we started our study, the Magistrate’s Court
was located there and the Magistrate’s division
has subsequently moved it and, you know, brought several
smaller courts together. That to my mind is
problematic for two reasons. One is taken away a reason
for people to be there, but also it has taken away
the traditional connection that you had of local
justice taking place in the local community, which
is another important factor and if you go back to the graphs
that I was showing you right at the start during
the mix of uses, although they have fluctuated
and changed quite dramatically, there is a sudden
steady state if you like of a certain proportion
always present of all of the land uses and
I think if we start to lose some key aspects of
those that those are risk that we shouldn’t just
dismiss as an after thought.>>We must close now because
there’s a lecture coming in here. So I think we should thank Laura
again for a really interesting–>>[Background Applause]
Thank you. [ Applause ]

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